| From President
George Washington's Farewell Address:
20 I have
already intimated to you the danger of parties in the state,
with particular reference to the founding of them on
geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more
comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner
against the baneful effects of the spirit of party, generally.
21 This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our
nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human
mind. It exists under different shapes in all governments,
more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed; but, in those
of the popular form, it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst enemy.
22 The alternate domination of one faction over another,
sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party
dissension, which in different ages and countries has
perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful
despotism. But this leads at length to a more formal and
permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries, which
result, gradually incline the minds of men to seek security
and repose in the absolute power of an individual; and sooner
or later the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or
more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to
the purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of Public
Liberty.
23 Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind,
(which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight,)
the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are
sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise people
to discourage and restrain it.
24 It serves always to distract the Public Councils, and
enfeeble the Public Administration. It agitates the
Community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms;
kindles the animosity of one part against another, foments
occasionally riot and insurrection. It opens the door to
foreign influence and corruption, which find a facilitated
access to the government itself through the channels of party
passions. Thus the policy and the will of one country are
subjected to the policy and will of another.
25 There is an opinion, that parties in free countries are
useful checks upon the administration of the Government, and
serve to keep alive the spirit of Liberty. This within certain
limits is probably true; and in Governments of a Monarchical
cast, Patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor,
upon the spirit of party. But in those of the popular
character, in Governments purely elective, it is a spirit not
to be encouraged. From their natural tendency, it is certain
there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary
purpose. And, there being constant danger of excess, the
effort ought to be, by force of public opinion, to mitigate
and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it demands a
uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest,
instead of warming, it should consume.
26 It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking
in a free country should inspire caution, in those intrusted
with its administration, to confine themselves within their
respective constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of
the powers of one department to encroach upon another. The
spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all
the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form
of government, a real despotism. A just estimate of that love
of power, and proneness to abuse it, which predominates in the
human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this
position. The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise
of political power, by dividing and distributing it into
different depositories, and constituting each the Guardian of
the Public Weal against invasions by the others, has been
evinced by experiments ancient and modern; some of them in our
country and under our own eyes. To preserve them must be as
necessary as to institute them. If, in the opinion of the
people, the distribution or modification of the constitutional
powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an
amendment in the way, which the constitution designates. But
let there be no change by usurpation; for, though this, in one
instance, may be the instrument of good, it is the customary
weapon by which free governments are destroyed. The precedent
must always greatly overbalance in permanent evil any partial
or transient benefit, which the use can at any time yield.
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