By Al Benson Jr.
One thing you must have if you
desire to perpetrate a conspiracy is a certain amount of secrecy.
You may not be able to fool everybody all the time, but you need
to be able to fool enough of them so that almost no one knows what
you have done until it is "set in concrete" so to speak.
Therefore, should there be any written evidence or proof of what
you have done, it must be kept from the public at least long
enough for the damage you've done to become firmly entrenched so
that it is almost impossible to undo it. Awhile back, we found out
that Roosevelt had, indeed, known the Japanese were going to
attack Pearl Harbor ahead of time and that he failed to warn those
generals in command there (after all, he needed scapegoats). What
can be done about that now except to write about it as one more
example of how the American people have been lied to and duped?
And the Martin Luther King tapes--not to be released until fifty
years after his death? At that point, who will be around that had
anything to do with those events? No doubt those tapes will make
lascivious history--but so what? Whatever was done during those
years cannot be remedied now.
In regard to such secrecy Gary
North wrote an article back in March of 2006 called The Most Successful Fraud in American History. He commented about those at the
Constitutional Convention who took notes about the proceedings. He
stated: "No member of the Convention ever revealed what went on
behind those closed doors. This included opponents of the
Constitution. Luther Martin of Maryland, a signer of the
Declaration of Independence, opposed the Convention's plan within days of his participation. He kept
notes of the debates, but his notes were not published until 1838,
two years after Madison's death, the last member of the Convention
to die. Martin's notes were published along with Robert Yates'
notes, who also attended and opposed what had been done there:
Secret Proceedings and Debates of the Constitutional Convention,
1787. Today, this book is unread by most graduate students of the
era, let alone by the general public. I cannot find it on-line in
text form, just offers to sell copies of the book. [PDF
Scan of Book] When a document of this level of historical
importance is not on-line for free, the memory hole is still
operating. Madison turned over his notes to George Washington, who
took them back to Mount Vernon. Madison knew that no one would or
could force Washington to surrender them. His notes were not
published until 1845." That's just sixteen years before the War of
And North asks the question--"What would have kept opponents like
Yates and Martin from publishing? One explanation is obvious, yet
rarely mentioned by historians: The member took a vow of secrecy.
That was an era in which oaths were taken seriously." You might
well ask the question--"If they kept it all secret, what were they
afraid of?" They were afraid of "We the people" that's what they
were afraid of. They were afraid that if people found out too soon
what had been perpetrated on them they might rise up and repudiate
the results, and these men, most of them anyway, would have to
start all over again with yet another scheme.
American political writer, Bill Kauffman, wrote in 2009 in
somewhat of a humorous strain: "I am sorry to say, Dr. Franklin,
that we did not keep the Republic. We blew it. Luther Martin
warned us this was going to happen. The conservative shibboleth
when objecting to egregious acts in Washington has long been 'It's
unconstitutional!' The Anti-Federalists would have told you that
such 'unconstitutional' interventions were inevitable...If we
cannot undue 1787 at least we can cut the Constitutionolatry and
acknowledge as ancestors the Anti-Federalists, those forgotten
localist patriots who stood for small things, for liberty, for
their homes, against the assault of centralization."
In a more serious vein, Kauffman observed: "Happiness is
preferable to the splendors of a national Government,' said Luther
Martin, in vain, to a Constitutional Convention whose delegates,
forgetting modesty, aimed at glory and grandeur."
As to the theological mindset of many of the delegates, Kauffman
noted: "The primary architects and defenders of the document were
grandiose universalists who believed, as Gouvernor Morris told the
Constitutional Convention, that they came here as...representative(s)
of the whole human race." Now that is just a bit presumptuous,
don't you think? Why not do what you were delegated to do "as unto
the Lord" and leave the results to Him?
You have to ask yourself, why did some of the men sent to
Philadelphia merely to revise and reform the Articles of
Confederation think of themselves in such lofty terms? Obviously
they had a mindset that reflected a worldview that was well beyond
what they had been delegated to do. I reflect back to one point in
the conversations I had with Rev. Ennio Cugini years ago now
regarding the Constitutional Convention. Pastor Cugini remarked to
me: "There were some anti-Christs at that Convention." With some
sober, and not especially happy reflection, I have to believe that
he was right.
To be continued ...
Also see the other parts of this series by Al Benson, Jr.:
Part 2 |
Part 3 |
Part 4 |
Part 5 |
Part 6 |
Part 7 |
Part 8 |
Part 9 |
Part 10 |
Part 11 |
Part 12 |
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What is States' Rights by Mike Crane
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